SOMETIMES there are no good options. Nigeria goes
to the polls on February 14th to elect the next president, who will face
problems so large—from rampant corruption to a jihadist insurgency—that they
could break the country apart, with dire consequences for Nigerians and the
world.
And yet, as Africa’s biggest economy stages its most
important election since the restoration of civilian rule in 1999, and perhaps
since the civil war four decades ago, Nigerians must pick between the
incumbent, Goodluck Jonathan, who has proved an utter failure, and the
opposition leader, Muhammadu Buhari, a former military dictator with blood on
his hands (see article). The candidates
stand as symbols of a broken political system that makes all Nigeria’s problems
even more intractable.
Start with Mr Jonathan, whose People’s Democratic
Party (PDP) has run the country since 1999 and who stumbled into the presidency
on the death of his predecessor in 2010. The PDP’s reign has been a sorry one.
Mr Jonathan has shown little willingness to tackle endemic corruption. When the
governor of the central bank reported that $20 billion had been stolen, his
reward was to be sacked.
Worse, on Mr Jonathan’s watch much of the north of
the country has been in flames. About 18,000 people have died in political
violence in recent years, thousands of them in January in several brutal
attacks by Boko Haram, a jihadist group that claims to have established its
“caliphate” in territory as large as Belgium. Another 1.5m people have fled
their homes. The insurgency is far from Mr Jonathan’s southern political
heartland and afflicts people more likely to vote for the opposition. He has
shown little enthusiasm for tackling it, and even less competence. Quick to
offer condolences to France after the attack on Charlie Hedbo, Mr
Jonathan waited almost two weeks before speaking up about a Boko Haram attack
that killed hundreds, perhaps thousands, of his compatriots.
The single bright spot of his rule has been
Nigeria’s economy, one of the world’s fastest-growing. Yet that is largely
despite the government rather than because of it, and falling oil prices will
temper the boom. The prosperity has not been broadly shared: under Mr Jonathan
poverty has increased. Nigerians typically die eight years younger than their
poorer neighbours in nearby Ghana.
Goodbye Jonathan
Voters have ample cause to send Mr Jonathan
packing. In a country where power has often changed through the barrel of a
gun, the opposition All Progressives Congress has a real chance of winning
through the ballot box. Yet its candidate, Mr Buhari, is an ex-general who,
three decades ago, came to power in a coup. His rule was nasty, brutish and
mercifully short. Declaring a “war against indiscipline”, he ordered
whip-wielding soldiers to ensure that Nigerians formed orderly queues. His
economics, known as Buharism, was destructive. Instead of letting the currency
depreciate in the face of a trade deficit, he tried to fix prices and ban
“unnecessary” imports. He expelled 700,000 migrants in the delusion that this
would create jobs for Nigerians. He banned political meetings and free speech.
He detained thousands, used secret tribunals and executed people for crimes
that were not capital offences.
Should a former dictator with such a record be
offered another chance? Surprisingly, many Nigerians think he should. One
reason is that, in a country where ministers routinely wear wristwatches worth
many times their annual salary, Mr Buhari is a sandal-wearing ascetic with a
record of fighting corruption. Few nowadays question his commitment to
democracy or expect him to turn autocratic: he has repeatedly stood for
election and accepted the outcome when he lost. He would probably do a better
job of running the country, and in particular of tackling Boko Haram. As a
northerner and Muslim, he will have greater legitimacy among villagers whose
help he will need to isolate the insurgents. As a military man, he is more likely
to win the respect of a demoralised army.
We are relieved not to have a vote in this
election. But were we offered one we would—with a heavy heart—choose Mr Buhari.
Mr Jonathan risks presiding over Nigeria’s bloody fragmentation. If Mr Buhari
can save Nigeria, history might even be kind to him.
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